Following the Roman tradition of claiming possession of land, Christopher Columbus marked the New World with the Crown of Castile’s royal banner in 1492.  In addition to the physical demarcation, he read the Requirement to lawfully record the newfound land as belonging to Spain. Soon after this grand discovery, Spain received the bull by Pope Alexander VI in 1493 that officially granted Spain the right to rule the new world with “free and absolute power, authority, and jurisdiction.”[1]  Spain’s conquests in the New World increased exponentially as conquistadores, supported by hopeful investors, continued to explore, encounter, and take possession of both the peoples and the land in the New World. The ceremonies of possession with which they enacted their conquests did not remain the same as those employed by earlier conquests. Instead, the ceremonies evolved into various forms that better accommodated the vast circumstantial changes. In New Mexico, the ceremonies of re-conquering by Don Diego de Vargas were very different from those employed by Francisco de Coronado more than a century earlier because he was catering to very different peoples than his predecessor. The rebellious Pueblo Indians of the later period had alreadybeen encountered, converted, lied to, subjected to warfare, conquered, and in large part, exterminated. Vargas needed more than the Requirement to win these Indians over.

            The ceremonies of possession enacted by Coronado were heavily influenced by the ideology and practices of previous Spanish conquistadors. Similarly to Columbus, Coronado’s contract stipulated that he read aloud the Requirement when he encountered new lands and peoples. This text served to justify Spain’s sovereign right to take the new world because of its reference to the Inter Caetera—or the Papal donation—to that nation. Furthermore, the ideology behind the Requirement granted the right of Catholicism to rule the other religions of the world. Although a large part of the explorations were in pursuit of wealth and power, the principal target of imperial authority was over people and the Requirement gave the Spanish the right to coerce natives into Catholicism.[2] The Western World, which viewed Catholicism as the only true religion, mandated that the native peoples submit to conversion and forewarned that the only alternative was to wage war.

But if you do not do this or if you maliciously delay doing it, I certify to you that with the help of God we shall forcefully enter into your country and shall make war against you in all ways and manners that we can, and shall subject you to the yoke and obedience of the Church and of their highness. [3]

Most Indians in the earliest encounters could not even understand the Spanish words being read—assuming they were even present at all. It was not uncommon for the Spaniard conquistadores to “mutter its theological phrases” into their beards or even a “league away before starting a formal attack.” [4] Patricia Seed, a widely published scholar on the subject, refers to this as textual imperialism par excellence, which means that Spanish forced their ideology (staunchly thought to be superior) on an uncomprehending audience. Seed recognizes that mutual understanding on both sides was not needed, but instead, it was the act of reading and the unilateral imposition of ideas that constituted the authority.[5]

Recognizing these ideological influences, it is no surprise that Coronado’s attempts at conquest were characterized by quixotic gallantry, aggressive warfare, unilateral conversation, and pressures from the homeland to find wealth and convert Indians quickly and effectively. Coronado’s mindset and motives were shaped by the fantasy of discovering and conquering another Aztec-like Empire in the Southwest. The extraordinary and relatively trouble-free—conquests by Hernan Cortes and Francisco Pizzaro were enviable and seemed replicable. To Coronado, it “seemed reasonable to suppose that beyond the horizon, a new Mexico might await discovery.” [6]  And because of this mindset, Coronado spent his life as a conquistador trying to replicate such momentous conquests with unwavering persistence, but failed to do so, at least materially.

In the summer of 1540, Coronado led his cavalry to a Zuni village in what is today New Mexico.[7]  Fearing hostilities on the part of the Indians, “Coronado’s men…wore protective coats of chain mail… [While] Coronado himself sported a plumed helmet and a suit of gilded armor that dazzled the eyes when it caught the rays of the sun.” [8]  The Indians of this province, known as Cibola, effectively communicated among each other about the encroaching Spaniards. As a result, only male warriors remained in the Zuni village when Coronado arrived. The absence of the women, elderly and children indicates that the Zuni men did not plan to concede to Coronado, and therefore were anticipating a battle. An expert on the subject, John Kessell, summarizes the meeting:

Driven by gnawing hunger on the one side and defense of their summer-solstice ceremonial, their homes, and their families on the other, Spaniards and Zunis came together violently in July 1540 and well understood each others motives. [9]

Furthermore, Kessell claims that regardless of the language and culture barrier, both sides undoubtedly sensed the “spirit if not the letter of the nature of events unfolding.”[10] Zuni men recognized the solemnity of the approaching army.  As Coronado’s party gained ground towards the village, the remaining Zuni warriors sought supernatural assistance in keeping the Spaniards away. They drew lines on the ground “with sacred golden cornmeal…warning intruders not to pass beyond them.” [11]  Coronado, similarly, used a metaphysical source, the Requirement, to forewarn the Indians of the consequences of relinquishing to Spanish authority.

The reading of the Requirement, again, presented the Zuni men an offer that was irrefutable without severe consequences. Coronado emphasized that the Indians must accept the dominion of the Spanish Crown and embrace Christianity. There were no previous interactions that would enable the Zunis to actually understand what the other was conveying. And similarly, the Spanish could not understand the meaning of the corn meal or the significance of the sacred ceremonies. But even if the “Zunis’ could not have grasped the divine or legalistic (deepest meaning) justification of European conquest…they could [still] read [the truth in] the Spaniards eyes.” [12] Likewise, Coronado’s men were not oblivious to the war paint, loaded bows, and absence of women and children that appeared before them. The tensions between the unrelenting, obstinate groups continued to rise. The Zuni’s soon realized that the sacred corn meal sprinkled in front of an ignorant group would neither prevent the battle nor aid them in fighting it.[13] Perhaps because the Indians had heard of the Spanish slave trade, they stood unwilling to submit themselves freely. When Coronado asked them to surrender, the austere Zuni’s reinforced their disobedience, and answered with an onslaught of arrows. Now provoked, Coronado’s men (armed with guns and swords) wasted no time in commencing hostilities as they fought their way into the native’s homes, and plundered what foodstuffs remained.[14]  

In comparing ceremonies from a later period, Don Diego de Vargas’ reconquest of New Mexico was more reserved, diplomatic, and far less reckless in his interactions with Indians than earlier conquests in the same region. Vargas employed an approach based on a change of attitude, a stricter set of law, the prioritization of peaceful measures, a consolidation of proven practices learned from earlier conquests, and a willingness on the part of Indians to concede given a variety of circumstances. Most importantly, Vargas was not in the business of conquering New Mexico in the same sense of the word as Coronado. Instead, he resettled a region that had already experienced the brutal raids of previous parties such as Coronado’s. The Pueblo Revolt of 1680 indicated that hostility, held dormant under Spanish rule, had abruptly resurfaced in the face of unsuspecting Spaniards. Because the Spanish Crown did not fulfill its promise of protecting the Zuni people, the Zuni’s rejected everything Spanish and reverted back to their former native religions. The Zuni’s distrust for the Spaniards lingered over a decade later when Vargas’ small group approached.

Vargas’s methods and ceremonies in re-settling this region had to be different. He had to lure them backto their proper placeas vassals to the Spanish crown and somehow convince them, once again, that it was to their advantage. As a result of previous interactions, both the Indians and de Vargas could better understand each others motives and practices, even if the understanding was characterized by an element of distrust. This mutual understanding enabled both sides to replace forceful displays with diplomatic conversation. And in the words of Siguenza y Gongora, Vargas had “restored a whole kingdom without wasting a single ounce of powder or un-sheathing a sword and without having cost the royal treasury a single maravedi.”[15]

In 1688, de Vargas paid the necessary contribution to the royal treasury for a future on the governorship of New Mexico. Unlike when Coronado was granted a Capitulacione (or binding contract), there were now strict royal laws created by the Spanish Crown in order to prevent heinous war crimes that Vargas would have to scrupulously abide. The strict supervisory role of the Spanish Government insisted that the explorers must always stay in line with the articles of his Capitulacione and Church doctrine. The new laws were known as the Colonization Laws of 1573, and among the stipulations were to: carry out future expansions peacefully and charitably, and to avoid force except in self defense, or when Indians were converted rebels. The Spanish conquests of this new era were not reckless “given to headlong and unprovoked reprisals.”[16] The crown now concerned itself with the justice of waging war against the Indians. Unlike reading the Requirement to absent or uncomprehending audiences, this era was coupled with a highly formalized and legalistic procedure that had to be observed by soldiers in the field before launching a full scale war.[17]

Restricted by the new laws and having knowledge of the previous conquests by Coronado, Vargas set out to take back His Majesty’s long lost possession in the summer of 1692. Although Vargas only had forty soldiers, fifty Indian allies, and a few friars, his fearless albeit charismatic leadership made up for the lack in manpower.[18] The resettling of the rebellious Pueblos was more of an armed reconnaissance than a forceful invasion.[19] Bearing the traditional yellow banner of the Crown, Vargas and his soldiers crept toward the walls of Santa Fe while most of the village was sleeping.[20] He instructed his men to surround the walls, but to restrain from shooting lest he unsheathe his sword. In his personal journals, he recounts beginning the reconnaissance:

We surrounded it, saying the Praise be loudly, and all the enemies went into their fortress, occupying it so that although it was extensive—its façade about a musket-shot long—it was completely filled.[21]

As the soldiers closed in on the village, a trumpet sounded and the drum cadence filled the air. Then Vargas and his company loudly exclaimed, “Praise be the most holy sacrament” five times. The Indians, taken completely by surprise, began “furious[ly] scream[ing]…very mournful cries, as though the devil possessed them,” which indicated to Vargas “a lack of confidence.” [22] A problem, he claims, he did not experience. His confidence came from “the protection of Our Lady of Remedies whom I brought as my guide to the royal standard, and of your majesty’s arms.” [23]

To the best of his ability, Vargas tried to convey the friendliness and “trustworthiness of his intent” so that the Indians might surrender and receive absolution.

After many and repeated questions and responses I made to them—some very firmly and others gently—and in which I satisfied them completely, they had me take off my morion so that they could look at me and be certain I was who I said I was: the new governor whom you majesty had sent.[24]

Though Vargas wore fine court attire, he did wear a helmet. When the Indians asked him to take it off, he did so immediately, “ignoring his defenselessness.” This action symbolized that he did not intend to battle, and also that he was willing to give in a little to appease the wary Indians. Vargas wrote:

I assured them through interpreters that they should now be more at ease, recognizing my good will, and content to find themselves pardoned and restored to our holy faith and to the king, our lord, of whom they were formerly vassals. I told them that I had returned…to reconfirm and reclaim the possession he held (…) He and no other was their lord and natural king. They should consider themselves fortunate to be vassals of such a king and lord and sovereign monarch.[25]

He explained that submission to the rule of Spain would yield peace, justice, protection from enemies, and the benefits of new crops, livestock and trade. The Indians, who were initially unsubmissive, prompted Vargas to take control and he “threatened the Tano and Tewa occupants of Santa fee with a siege.”[26]  Not long after the cannons were loaded and placed into position, the Indians yielded.  Vargas recounts the first Indian to kneel before him and receive absolution:

As I was about to do battle, an Indian came out to render me his obedience. I received him kindly and give him a rosary…Dismounting from my horse and embracing him, I told him to go and tell all to come down to see me and humbly give me their obedience, since I would receive them as I had him. The ones…decided to come down from their ramparts came…and I received them and spoke to them so that they might be content. [27]

He also went to the enemies who were around the hills and mountains and asked them to surrender their weapons, and they did. Soon after heads of the village deliberated, the gates were opened wide to Vargas and his men. Vargas’ methods in re-settling the village had effectively convinced the Indians he was trustworthy, and that they would be better off as vassals and allies with the King.

The customary ritual act of repossession that came on the following day, called the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, was a formal ceremony in which the Indians were forgiven for their rebellion and apostasy after they promised allegiance to both Christianity and the king.[28] Although Vargas no longer read from the Requirement, it remained imperative to the king that his subjects agree voluntarily to become his vassals and that their submission be recorded.[29] Before they all attended mass, the alferes was ordered to raise the royal standard three times, when the Indians and Spaniards in unison repeated “Long live the king!” The Indians response was certainly a demonstration of joy, as they tossed their hats into the air. [30] After the second mass, the Spanish friars had baptized more than one-hundred children born since the revolt in 1680. Don Diego “stood as godfather to sons and daughters of the principal men, making these dignified personages his compadres—in Roman Catholic terms—something he did not let them forget.” [31]

Vargas’ ceremonies successfully re-conquered New Mexico, at least for a short while. He was able to do this because he understood the new surrounding conditions and influences of the Pueblo people that did not exist when Coronado conquered them. To him, a successful re-settling did not involve the waging of war or Pueblos running away. The goal was to have them pledge allegiance and to keep them relatively content under the King and under Christianity. This was the ideology of the new era of conquistadores and was made particularly evident by the ceremonies of possession. Unlike Coronado, Vargas used restraint and resorted to violence only after all diplomatic options were exhausted. Vargas extensively used native interpreters in an effort to enhance communication, better understand the other, and therefore prevent unnecessary hostilities. The Indians, who were once deceived by the Spaniards, needed more than Vargas’ words to obtain his trust. The observant Indians closely watched him embrace Zuni leaders with amnesty, as opposed to force his will upon them. The re-conquest of New Mexico had been achieved “without blood and sword” in less than four months.

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[1] Seed, Patricia. “Taking Possession and Reading Texts: Establishing the authority of Overseas Empires.” The

William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Ser., Vol. 49, No. 2, Apr., 1992, pp. 183-209. [Online]; available from http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=00435597%28199204%293%3A49%3A2%3C183%3ATPARTE%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Q; accessed November 2, 2007: Internet.

[2] Seed, Patricia. “Taking Possession and Reading Texts: Establishing the authority of Overseas Empires,” pp. 183-

209.

[3] John L. Kessel, “Spain in the Southwest: A Narrative History of Colonial New Mexico, Arizona, Texas, and

California,” (University of Oklahoma Press, 2002), pg. 31. This document is in reference to a primary source,  Harper and Row, 1968). Colin M. MacLachlan, Spain’s Empire in the New World: The Role of Ideas in Institutional and Social Change (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 30-31.

[4] Seed, Patricia. “Taking Possession and Reading Texts: Establishing the authority of Overseas Empires,” pp. 183-209

[5] Seed, Patricia. “Taking Possession and Reading Texts: Establishing the authority of Overseas Empires,” pp. 183-

209.

[6] David J. Weber, “The Spanish Frontier in North America,” (New Haven Yale University Press, New Haven, 1992), 14-22, 16-17, 24, 77

[7] David J. Weber, “The Spanish Frontier in North America,” 14

[8] David J. Weber, “The Spanish Frontier in North America,” 15

[9] John L. Kessel, “Spain in the Southwest: A Narrative History of Colonial New Mexico, Arizona, Texas, and

California,” 29

[10] John L. Kessel, “Spain in the Southwest: A Narrative History of Colonial New Mexico, Arizona, Texas, and

California,” 29

[11] David J. Weber, “The Spanish Frontier in North America,” 15.

[12] John L. Kessel, “Spain in the Southwest: A Narrative History of Colonial New Mexico, Arizona, Texas, and

California,” 21.

[13] David J. Weber, “The Spanish Frontier in North America,” 15.

[14] John L. Kessel, “Spain in the Southwest: A Narrative History of Colonial New Mexico, Arizona, Texas, and

California,” 29-32.

[15] Diego de Vargas, edited by John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks and Meredith D. Dodge, “Letters From the New

World: Selected Correspondence of Don Diego De Vargas to His Family, 1675-1706,” [Online] available from: http://www.netlibrary.com (Albuquerque, N.M. University of New Mexico, 1992), p. 47-55

[16] Marc Simmons, “The Last Conquistador,” (University of Oklahoma Press, Norman 1991), Ch. 1, 8.

[17] Marc Simmons, “The Last Conquistador,” Ch. 1, 8.

[18] Jerry Korn, et al. “The Spanish West,” (Time-Life Books, Alexandria, 1976), 54.

[19] John L. Kessel, “Spain in the Southwest,” 160.

[20] Jerry Korn, et al. “The Spanish West,” 54.

[21]  John L. Kessell, Rick Hendricks, and Meredith Dodge, editors. “To the Royal Crown Restored: The Journals of

don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico 1692-94,” (University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1995), 186.

[22]. John L. Kessell, “To the Royal Crown Restored,” 183-199.

[23] John L. Kessell, “To the Royal Crown Restored,” 183-199.

[24] John Kessell, “To the Royal CrownRestored,” 186-193.

[25] Diego de Vargas, “Letters from the New World,” 50.

[26] John L. Kessel, “Spain in Southwest,”  160.

[27] John Kessell, “To the Royal CrownRestored,” 186.

[28] Jerry Korn, “The Spanish West,” 54.

[29] David J. Weber, “The Spanish Frontier in North America, 77.

[30] David J. Weber, “The Spanish Frontier in North America,” 77.

[31] John L. Kessel, “Spain in the Southwest,” 162.

Additional Sources Consulted:

Andrew Knaut, “The Pueblo Revolt of 1680: Conquest and Resistance in 19th century New Mexico,” (University of

Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1995).

Edward P. Dozier, “The Pueblo Indians of North America,” (New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston).

Hubert Howe Bancroft, “History of Arizona and New Mexico 1530-1888,” (Albuquerque, Horn & Wallace, 1962).

Oakah L. Jones Jr. “Pueblo Warriors and Spanish Conquest,” (University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1996).